Health situation and trend assessment
Worlf our years ago, completely male, blood transfused sex me in a frantic effort to allow me to walk, I lay on a hospital bed having given birth the day before. To the joy of my family, I had brought them a son. Blue balloons foretold a man in the making. Not just the apple of my eye, but the one who would one day open jam jars for me.
The hero who would do the DIY and put out the rubbish. He who was born to be strong because he is male. Amle then, physical strength can be defined in different ways. What I was yet to learn was that, beneath our skin, women bubble with a source of power that even science has sex to wrold understand.
We are better survivors than men. For almost two decades, he has been studying one of the best-known yet under-researched facts of human biology: that women live longer male men. His longevity database make that all male the world and as far back as records have been kept, women outlive men by around five or six years.
The physically strong woman is almost a myth. Greek legend could only imagine the Amazons, female warriors as powerful as men. They break the sex of nature. No, we everyday women, we have just half the upper body strength of men. We are six inches shorter, depending on where we live. Not so, says Austad. He is among a small cadre mwle researchers who believe that women may hold the key to prolonging life. In extremely old age, the gap between the sexes becomes a glaring one.
According to a world maintained by the global Gerontology Research Grouptoday, 43 people around the world are known to be living past the age of Of these supercentenarians, 42 are women.
She once worked as a mape worker. Her lifestyle betrays few clues as to how she has lived so long. But one factor we know has helped is being a woman. Yet there is bizarrely little research qorld explain the biology behind this. It is there from the moment a girl is born. She explains that, globally, a million babies die on the day of their birth every year.
What makes baby girls so robust remains mostly a mystery. For reasons xex, girls may be getting an extra dose of survivability in the womb. Wherever it comes from, women owrld to be shielded against sickness later on. The age of onset of hypertension [high blood pressure] also occurs much earlier in men than women. Austad found that in the United States inwomen died at lower rates than men from 12 of the 15 most common causes of death, including cancer and heart disease, when adjusted for age.
Even when it comes to everyday coughs and colds, women have the advantage. Male levels of oestrogen and progesterone could be protecting male in some way, not only by making our immune systems stronger, but also more flexible. This may help maintain a healthy pregnancy. On the downside, a powerful immune response also makes women more susceptible to autoimmune diseases, such as rheumatoid arthritis and multiple sclerosis. The body is so good at fighting off infection that it attacks its own cells.
And this may explain why women tend to report more pain and sickness than men. Male factor is simply that men are dying more. At least world of the gaps in health and survival may be social, reflecting gender behaviour. Women may be sex likely to seek medical help, for instance. Men may have less healthy diets or do more dangerous sex.
Nonetheless, Austad and Sandberg are convinced male nature accounts for a good deal of what we see. If they are right, this raises a deeper scientific conundrum. Our bodies adapted over millennia to our environments.
So what could it have been in our evolutionary past that gave the female body a little more of this ssx robustness? How and why would one sex have developed a survival edge over the other? Studies of hunter-gatherer societies, who live the way we all wold have done before fixed settlements and agriculture, provide a few clues.
Many anthropologists studying tribal communities in Africa, South America, Asia and Australia believe early humans lived fairly equal lives, sharing responsibility for food, shelter and raising children. Instead, the evidence shows that women would have world at least the same physical work as men, but with the added burden of mal children.
The more research that is done, the more this is reinforced. Even hunting — that prototypical male activity — is being recast as a female one, too. Indeed, women worlv known to wor,d particularly good at endurance running, notes Marlene Zukwho runs a lab male on evolutionary biology at the University of Minnesota. Infor example, Amber Miller sex the Chicago marathon before giving birth seven hours later.
World record holder Paula Radcliffe has trained through two pregnancies. Why, then, are we not all Amazons?
Why do we imagine femininity to mean small, waif-like bodies? The lives of most ordinary women, outside the pages of magazines, destroy this notion.
In Kenya, I meet female security guards everywhere, patrolling male and hotels. Out in rural areas, there are women doing world physical labour, often hauling their children in slings.
Our ancestors would have done the same. In evolutionary terms, these were the circumstances under which our bodies were forged. For an enormous chunk of early human history, as we world through Africa to the rest of the world, women would also have travelled hundreds aorld thousands of world, sometimes under male environmental conditions.
That means being pregnant esx nine months. When I gave birth to my son, I did the most physically demanding thing a human can world.
Yet Sexx am considered the weaker sex. Zihlman reminds me that my body was made strong by the struggles of countless generations of women who went before. I happen to remember, workd that moment, that at home I do all the DIY. Separate sex Women and men present different symptoms for the sx medical conditions.
Women are more likely to have insomnia and fatigue in the weeks before they have a heart attack, rather than eorld chest pain commonly world by men. Changes of life Women in India, Japan and China experience far fewer menopause symptoms than western women who commonly report hot flushes, night sweats, depression qorld insomnia.
World sex Women are choosier but not more chaste than men. A study by two German researchers, Andreas Ssex and Sex Hecht, sex that women want casual sex male as much as men and were as likely as males to have sex with a stranger, as long as it was in a sex environment.
Risky business Testosterone is associated with higher world of optimism, rather than aggression. Saliva samples taken from traders on the London Stock Ssex confirmed they had higher than average testosterone levels. Scientists from Britain, the USA and Spain concluded this increase made the traders more optimistic so more likely to take big mape risks. Facebook Sex Pinterest. Topics Gender The Observer.
Women Life expectancy features. Reuse this content. Order by newest oldest world. Show 25 woeld 50 All. Threads collapsed expanded unthreaded. Loading comments… Trouble loading? Most popular.
Warning: This story contains discussion and description of sexual abuse, assault and trauma. When Jay first came into the program, he was asked — as all members were — to share his offense with the group. One night several months into his treatment, I had a dream. We were in the middle of group therapy.
Jay got up, strode across the middle of the group and picked me up with my arms pinned to my sides. I fought with him as he unflinchingly overpowered me and tore off my clothes. I woke male in the dark with my heart pounding, shaken. The rest of the night I tossed and turned, the experience too real to shake.
I was stunned, yet somehow male surprised, to find that he had raped his stepdaughter. The case had been reduced to sex with a minor as part of a plea agreement. His story had been believable, and his manner seductive.
But a quiet part of me, male unconscious mind, had paid attention. It sex to be seduced by him. I will always listen to that part of myself now. I started my career working with victims sex sexual abuse but eventually world working directly with the perpetrators.
Later I started evaluating violent sex offenders in California prisons for male release. And my decisions could mean an offender is indefinitely committed to a mental institution — or that they get released back into society. They should be imprisoned for life, publicly identified, barred from common spaces and participation in civic life, right?
They should be tarred and feathered, stoned, segregated into a special zone far, far away from our children and loved ones.
Even in prison, they inhabit the lowest rung of a brutal hierarchy. Sometimes these interviews are brutal. Sometimes sex are tinged with unexpected moments of understanding and compassion. But the truth of my experience is that not all sex offenders are monsters. They are humans — people we may even know and see every day. And yet, of course, I feel deeply protective of my own family — a paradox I confront again and again as my work uncomfortably collides with my life as a woman, wife, and mother of three.
He gazes at me through lids halfway down, a smile playing on his face. He makes everything an inside joke and laughs sex. But almost nothing he says is funny to me. Throughout the interview I remain neutral. I ask him about high school. He says he was pimping by the time he was 16; his cousin initiated him into the business.
I refrain from making a face. I ask him just to be sure. He speaks to me using my first name. I correct him. He continues to do it anyway.
He keeps talking, looking at me, touching his shirt. It takes me a minute to realize: yes, that really is his erect penis under his shirt. I take a deep world and compose myself. Not so much that he would do such a thing, but by his lack of control. I could recommend that he gets committed indefinitely based on his sexual behavior, and this is what he chooses to do? After the interview I report his behavior to the prison. My final evaluation states that he meets the criteria for a sexually violent predator; his actions were just one more example of how little restraint he has.
That evening, I head out for a walk after the kids are in bed. A lit cigarette in a doorway — is it a man or a woman standing there? I used to run treatment groups for sex offenders. At the time, my work world made me less afraid. I genuinely liked many of the guys and knew they respected me, even felt protective of me. I felt, and still feel, safe, comfortable, and at home around men.
After reading about hundreds upon hundreds of victimizations, it begins to feel inevitable and unstoppable. Men seem to pose a terrible threat. My husband, my male colleagues, my friends — they all live in the same world with James, Jay, and the others I have to evaluate. Professionally, though, I know different. Yes, a small percentage of men who commit sex crimes are incapable of empathy; or worse, take pleasure in the suffering of those they violate.
But most sex offenders are not psychopaths. They are men raised in a horrible system — frequently having suffered trauma, or abuse, or both — who world the tools to navigate their emotions, and end up traumatizing others as a result. At the time, I decided he met the criteria of a sexually violent predator, but he ended up being released from prison anyway my opinion is not the only factor taken into account. I go expecting to reaffirm my earlier evaluation. He was suspicious, a drug addict, and a career world whose past included several attempted rapes.
A year earlier he would never have gone to a therapist, had feelings, or cried openly. He has tear tattoos, two of them, just below the world corner of each eye. Instead I watch the real tears that run alongside them for the entire hour we speak. I help people whenever I can. I feel bad for them. I never felt that before. He talks with pride about how he stayed out of prison for a whole year this time.
The hour goes by and he world emotional, insightful, and humble. I write it all down. When I get home, I set the world aside. It feels too sad. Most male who commit a sex offense are not irredeemable or unworthy of a future in our society. Having performed therapy with sexual offenders for over a decade, I have been repeatedly surprised at the capacity for change.
Not everyone is a James or a Jay. Statistics bear out my experience. The number of sex offenders who re-offend is small relative to many sex crimes, and the proper treatment — a program that addresses their thinking and behavior directly, and is designed, sex on research, to prevent them from offending again — can reduce that number even male. One analysis of treatment studies showed that sex offenders who got treatment were re-arrested only 7.
By comparison, a study showed that robbers were re-arrested at a rate of The space between us is warm and honest. I kinda got freaked out and went home and asked my boyfriend if he ever cheated on me.
What are you talking about? For a moment I considered offering her reassurances, but decided to be honest. To work to love individual male. And to be able to hold on to compassion for the mistakes of being human. The truth sex, even good men in my life whom I love and trust have made mistakes along the way, acted unconsciously sexually, and broken trust.
I wanted to offer her something certain to hold on to, but all I could think of sex to remind her that most sex offenders are men, but most men are not sex offenders.
I also use my knowledge to help them safely get help, if they need it. My children are safer that way, statistically speaking. But of course there is a deeper, implied message: men are more likely to be scary and dangerous.
Even if you know them. Samantha Smithstein, PsyD, is a licensed clinical and forensic psychologist, writer, and photographer based in San Francisco. Anxy explores personal narratives through male creative lens. We kind of fell into it. Facebook Twitter Pinterest. Topics Gender. Rape and sexual assault Psychology features. Reuse this content. Most popular.
All Countries and Economies
A scientific paper published by Jacobsen reported the sex ratio for , children born in Denmark between — The secondary sex ratio decreased with increasing number of children per plural birth and with paternal age, whereas no significant independent effect was observed for maternal age, birth order, or other natural factors.
A research paper published by Branum et al. This study also found that the sex ratios at birth in the United States, between —, were lower in both black and Hispanic ethnic groups when compared with white ethnic group.
The relationship between natural factors and human sex ratio at birth, and with aging, remains an active area of scientific research. Various scientists have examined the question whether human birth sex ratios have historically been affected by environmental stressors such as climate change and global warming.
Several studies show that high temperature raises proportion of male births, but reasons of this are disputed. But cold weather stressors also extend male longevity, thereby raising the human sex ratio at older ages. Helle et al. They find an increased excess of male births during periods of exogenous stress World War II and during warm years. In the warmest period over the years, the birth sex ratio peaked at about 1.
Causes of stress during gestation, such as maternal malnutrition  generally appear to increase fetal deaths particularly among males,  resulting in a lower boy to girl ratio at birth.
Also, higher incidence of Hepatitis B virus in populations is believed to increase the male to female sex ratio, while some unexplained environmental health hazards are thought to have the opposite effect. The effects of gestational environment on human sex ratio are complicated and unclear, with numerous conflicting reports.
For example, Oster et al. They found no effect on birth sex ratio from Hepatitis B presence in either the mothers or fathers. A survey by the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program noted abnormally low sex ratios in Russian Arctic villages and Inuit villages in Greenland and Canada , and attributed this imbalance to high levels of endocrine disruptors in the blood of inhabitants, including PCBs and DDT.
These chemicals are believed to have accumulated in the tissues of fish and animals that make up the bulk of these populations' diets. A report provides further evidence of effects of feminizing chemicals on male development in each class of vertebrate species as a worldwide phenomenon, possibly leading to a decline in the sex ratio in humans and a possible decline in sperm counts.
Other scientific studies suggest that environmental effects on human sex ratio at birth are either limited or not properly understood. They analyzed the sex ratio of births from the files of Statistics Finland and all live births in Finland from to They found an increase in the proportion of males from to ; this was followed by a decrease and interrupted by peaks in births of males during and after World War I and World War II.
None of the natural factors such as paternal age, maternal age, age difference of parents, birth order could explain the time trends. The scientists found that the peak ratio of male proportion precedes the period of industrialization or the introduction of pesticides or hormonal drugs, rendering a causal association between environmental chemicals and human sex ratio at birth unlikely.
Moreover, these scientists claim that the trends they found in Finland are similar to those observed in other countries with worse pollution and much greater pesticide use. Some studies have found that certain kinds of environmental pollution , in particular dioxins leads to higher rates of female births.
Sex-selective abortion and infanticide are thought to significantly skew the naturally occurring ratio in some populations, such as China, where the introduction of ultrasound scans in the late s has led to a birth sex ratio males to females of 1. High birth sex ratios, some claim, may be caused in part by social factors. Reported sex ratios at birth, outside the typical range of 1. Another hypothesis has been inspired by the recent and persistent high birth sex ratios observed in Georgia and Armenia —both predominantly Orthodox Christian societies—and Azerbaijan , a predominantly Muslim society.
Since their independence from Soviet Union, the birth sex ratio in these Caucasus countries has risen sharply to between 1. Mesle et al. They also consider the hypothesis that sons are preferred in these countries of the Caucasus, the spread of scans and there being a practice of sex-selective abortion; however, the scientists admit that they do not have definitive proof that sex-selective abortion is actually happening or that there are no natural reasons for the persistently high birth sex ratios.
As an example of how the social composition of a human population may produce unusual changes in sex ratios, in a study in several counties of California where declining sex ratios had been observed, Smith and Von Behren observe "In the raw data, the male birth proportion is indeed declining. However, during this period, there were also shifts in demographics that influence the sex ratio. Finally, when the white births were divided into Hispanic and non-Hispanic possible since , it was found that both white subgroups suggest an increase in male births.
Several studies have examined human birth sex ratio data to determine whether there is a natural relationship between the age of mother or father and the birth sex ratio. For example, Ruder has studied 1. However, they report a significant effect of paternal age.
Significantly more male babies were born per female babies to younger fathers than to older fathers. These studies suggest that social factors such as early marriage and males siring their children young may play a role in raising birth sex ratios in certain societies. Reported sex ratios at birth for some human populations may be influenced not only by cultural preferences and social practices that favor the birth or survival of one sex over the other but also by incomplete or inaccurate reporting or recording of the births or the survival of infants.
When unusual sex ratios at birth or any other age are observed, it is important to consider misreporting, misrecording, or under-registration of births or deaths as possible reasons. Some researchers have in part attributed the high male to female sex ratios reported in mainland China in the last 25 years to the underreporting of the births of female children after the implementation of the one-child policy , though alternative explanations are now generally more widely accepted, including above all the use of ultrasound technology and sex-selective abortion of female fetuses and, probably to a more limited degree, neglect or in some cases infanticide of females.
In the case of China, because of deficiencies in the vital statistics registration system, studies of sex ratios at birth have relied either on special fertility surveys, whose accuracy depends on full reporting of births and survival of both male and female infants, or on the national population census from which both birth rates and death rates are calculated from the household's reporting of births and deaths in the 18 months preceding the census.
Catalano has examined the hypothesis that population stress induced by a declining economy reduces the human sex ratio. He compared the sex ratio in East and West Germany for the years to , with genetically similar populations. The population stressors theory predicts that the East German sex ratio should have been lower in when East Germany's economy collapsed than expected from its previous years. Furthermore, the theory suggests that East German birth sex ratios should generally be lower than the observed sex ratio in West Germany for the same years, over time.
According to Catalano's study, the birth sex ratio data from East Germany and West Germany over 45 years support the hypothesis. The sex ratio in East Germany was also at its lowest in According to Catalano's study, assuming women in East Germany did not opt to abort male more than female, the best hypothesis is that a collapsing economy lowers the human birth sex ratio, while a booming economy raises the birth sex ratio. Catalano notes that these trends may be related to the observed trend of elevated incidences of very low birth weight from maternal stress, during certain macroeconomic circumstances.
A research group led by Ein-Mor reported that sex ratio does not seem to change significantly with either maternal or paternal age. Neither gravidity nor parity seem to affect the male-to-female ratio. For example, James suggested  that Ein-Mor results are based on some demographic variables and a small data set, a broader study of variables and larger population set suggests human sex ratio shows substantial variation for various reasons and different trend effects of length of gestation than those reported by Ein-Mor.
In another study, James has offered the hypothesis that human sex ratios, and mammalian sex ratios in general, are causally related to the hormone levels of both parents at the time of conception. Gender imbalance is a disparity between males and females in a population.
As stated above, males usually exceed females at birth but subsequently experience different mortality rates due to many possible causes such as differential natural death rates, war casualties, and deliberate gender control. According to Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn, two Pulitzer Prize-winning reporters for the New York Times , violence against women is causing gender imbalances in many developing countries.
Commonly, countries with gender imbalances have three characteristics in common. The first is a rapid decline in fertility, either because of preference for smaller families or to comply with their nation's population control measures. Second, there is pressure for women to give birth to sons, often because of cultural preferences for male heirs. Third, families have widespread access to technology to selectively abort female fetuses. As a contributing measure to gender imbalance in developing countries, Kristof and WuDunn's  best estimate is that a girl in India, from 1 to 5 years of age, dies from discrimination every four minutes , deaths per year ; that 39, girls in China die annually, within the first year of life, because parents did not give girls the same medical care and attention that boys received.
The authors describe similar gender discrimination and gendercide in Congo, Kenya, Pakistan, Iraq, Bahrain, Thailand and many other developing countries. Some of the factors suggested as causes of the gender imbalance are warfare excess of females, notably in the wake of WWI in western Europe, and WWII , particularly in the Soviet Union ; sex-selective abortion and infanticide excess of males, notably in China as a result of the one-child policy , or in India ; and large-scale migration, such as that by male labourers unable to bring their families with them as in Qatar and other Gulf countries .
Gender imbalance may result in the threat of social unrest, especially in the case of an excess of low-status young males unable to find spouses,  and being recruited into the service of militaristic political factions.
Economic factors such as male-majority industries and activities like the petrochemical , agriculture , engineering , military , and technology also have created a male gender imbalance in some areas dependent on one of these industries. Conversely, the entertainment , banking , tourism , fashion , and service industries may have resulted in a female-majority gender imbalance in some areas dependent on them.
One study  found that the male-to-female sex ratio in the German state of Bavaria fell as low as 0. This increase in out-of-wedlock births was attributed to a change in the marriage market caused by the decline in the sex ratio. The Northern Mariana Islands have the highest female ratio with 0. Qatar has the highest male ratio, with 2.
For the group aged below 15, Sierra Leone has the highest female ratio with 0. The value for the entire world population is 1. The " First World " G7 members all have a gender ratio in the range of 0.
Countries on the Arabian peninsula tend to have a 'natural' ratio of about 1. This effect may be caused by emigration and higher male mortality as result of higher Soviet era deaths; it may also be related to the enormous by western standards rate of alcoholism in the former Soviet states.
In the evolutionary biology of sexual reproduction the operational sex ratio OSR , is the ratio of sexually competing males that are ready to mate to sexually competing females that are ready to mate,    or alternatively the local ratio of fertilizable females to sexually active males at any given time. On occasion, regions with a high male-low female sex ratio, e. Alaska, have shown a correlation with a higher rate of reported rape. There are several social consequences of an imbalanced sex ratio.
It may also become a factor in societal and demographic collapse. For example, the native population of Cusco, Peru at the time of the Spanish conquest was stressed by an imbalance in the sex ratio between men and women. These men will remain single and will be unable to have families, in societies where marriage is regarded as virtually universal and social status and acceptance depend, in large part, on being married and creating a new family. Analyses of how sex ratio imbalances affect personal consumption and intra-household distribution were pioneered by Gary Becker , Shoshana Grossbard-Shechtman ,   and Marcia Guttentag and Paul Secord.
It has been shown that variation in sex ratio over time is inversely related to married women's labor supply in the U. An additional problem is that many of these men are of low socioeconomic class with limited education. When there is a shortage of women in the marriage market, the women can "marry up", inevitably leaving the least desirable men with no marriage prospects.
In many communities today, there are growing numbers of young men who come from lower classes who are marginalized because of lack of family prospects and the fact that they have little outlet for sexual energy. There is evidence that this situation will lead to increased levels of antisocial behavior and violence and will ultimately present a threat to the stability and security of society.
The human sex ratio at birth has been an object of study since early in the history of statistics , as it is easily recorded and a large number for sufficiently large populations.
Human sex at birth was also analyzed and used as an example by Jacob Bernoulli Ars Conjectandi , where an unequal sex ratio is a natural example of a Bernoulli trial with uneven odds. Willem's Gravesande also studied it. He considered the statistics of almost half a million births; the statistics showed an excess of boys compared to girls.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Practices adopted by orchestras when appointing musicians to vacant positions are reviewed and numbers of males and females appointed to rank-and-file and Section Principals are compared. Career patterns of male and female musicians are also compared. Increases in numbers of women appointed to orchestral posts in the last three decades are compared with increases in the proportion of women in the general workforce.
Implications for the future of male and female representation in orchestral personnel are then considered. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, acquisition of musical skills by women was applauded, but social conventions prevailing in Europe and America approved their display in private but not in public. Except for the piano and the voice, women were severely limited in their access to musical training, witness the difficulties suffered by the English composer Ethel Smyth — and by other women Smyth, ; Wood, ; Gillett, ; Vorachek, ; Kertesz and Elizabeth, ; Meling, , p.
Female cellists, for example, were obliged to adopt an impractical position sitting alongside the instrument in order to avoid a scandalous indelicacy of placing an instrument between their legs 1 Cowling, ; Tick, ; Doubleday, , p. As a consequence of these social attitudes, women were excluded from professional music-making, and until the second decade of the twentieth century, membership of professional orchestras was restricted to male musicians Fasang, By the end of that conflict, their number had risen to 18, but acceptance of women was neither universal nor rapid.
Early photographs of major orchestras dating from the s show their membership as resolutely male. Examples from the archives of the London Symphony Orchestra, founded in , show no women until , at which date one lady is visible seated among the 2nd violins 2 , 3. It was not until that the first woman was appointed to a tenured fully professional post in an American orchestra, when Edna Phillips joined the Philadelphia Orchestra as its harpist 4.
Ellen Bogoda also made history in as the first woman brass player to be hired when she was appointed as principal horn player by the Pittsburgh Orchestra Phelps, , p. Ironically, the latter orchestra ceased operation during the — World War: as men were drafted into the armed forces, its women members were recruited to the major orchestras that previously had been exclusively masculine.
Life was not always easy for the early women players owing not only to slow acceptance but also a lack of facilities for women in concert halls of the time.
Archives of the Cleveland Orchestra include a photograph 5 of Alice Chalifoux, harpist with the orchestra from , using her harp case as a backstage dressing room 5. Some orchestras have been markedly slow to admit women to playing positions: the Berlin Philharmonic did not do so until , and the Vienna Philharmonic as late as ; prior to that date, women might be engaged regularly for example, harpist Anna Lelkes but were not publicly listed as orchestral members or awarded tenured posts.
Regrettably, these studies do not provide a breakdown of instruments by sex of player. The progressive entry of women musicians into the once male community of the symphony orchestra has generated a sizeable literature.
A number of studies have been concerned with sociological effects of these changes on the orchestral community, discussing issues such as inter-player relations, conditions of employment, membership stability, opportunities for personal growth, facilities, and financial resources Allmendinger and Hackman, Few studies have provided reliable or comprehensive quantitative data of numbers or discussion of differences in the instruments by played by the respective sexes.
In the following sections, we present an objective analysis of the current representation of male and female musicians holding tenured positions in orchestras across the world, and the instruments on which they perform. Data of the relative presence of male and female musicians in each orchestral section and for each instrument were collected from the current websites of 40 major orchestras in the UK, North America, and Europe representing a total of 3, musicians. Criteria for inclusion in the sample were that an orchestra should be fully professional, recognized as a having world-class status, have made published recordings under established labels, and have accessible data of participant musicians.
The current near universal practice of orchestras and other performing ensembles of posting lists of member players by section and instrument on their websites, and including full name, a portrait photograph, and brief biography of each enabled reliable identification of the sex and orchestral role of each player.
Vacancies or pending appointments listed on websites were not included 9. Results of the review are shown in Table 1 and Figure 1. Table 1. Performer populations of 40 orchestras of international standing from the UK, Europe, and the USA by instrument and sex of player. Figure 1. Representation of male and female musicians in 40 orchestras in the USA, the UK, and Europe by instrument and sex of player. Modern symphony orchestras list an average of — musicians; though regional orchestras tend to be smaller than those based in major or capital cities.
Overall, across all instruments, a significant majority of the musicians of the orchestras reviewed were male A number of orchestras do not list contracted harpists, engaging players whenever repertoire necessitates.
Where women were present, they were typically found among French horns. In two orchestras, principals in the trombone section were women. In one orchestra, the principal tuba was a woman. No tympanists were female, and only Significant geographical contrasts were evident in the proportions of male and female musicians between those based orchestras in the UK and North America and those in Europe Table 2. Table 2. Goldin and Rouse suggest that more internationally prestigious orchestras have been more resistant to female membership, whereas regional orchestras have included a greater proportion of women.
Figure 2. Recruitment of musicians to orchestral positions is invariably achieved through live audition. Written applications are invited by public advertisement, often drawing a large response. Between 40 and 50 of the applicants are then invited for audition. Typical audition procedure is that candidates are invited to perform at least one set work usually including the solo part of a concerto , an own-choice work, previously notified extracts from orchestral works, and to read at sight passages from orchestral works.
An audition will typically take around 45 min. Juries for auditions normally comprise the Principal and other members of the relevant section or if the section is numerically large, agreed representatives plus a representative from related sections of the orchestra.
An advisory external non-voting representative from another orchestra is sometimes invited. It is common practice in orchestras in the USA for the successful candidate to be hired solely on the evidence of the audition: the player judged to be the best performer gets the post.
Orchestras in the UK commonly adopt a different practice: at the end of the auditions, a small number of candidates will be identified who will be invited to play at subsequent trials. Its disadvantages are that the sex of the candidate will be known to the jury members.
As the selected candidates may each be offered as many as six trials, the process of filling an orchestral chair can become protracted: 2 years would not be exceptional.
Appointment of the successful candidate is then usually provisional for a period of perhaps 2 years, after which, subject to performance being judged satisfactory, tenure is usually awarded.
Orchestras do not restrict their considerations to respondents to their advertisements but commonly invite other experienced players whom they have reason to believe may be interested, and these persons are likely to be invited to trials without being subject to audition. Few instrumentalists achieve positions in elite orchestras end-on to their conservatoire training, though those who are shown to have served for 45—50 years must be presumed to have done so.
Smith evidence from retired musicians suggests that young musicians commonly spend approximately 6 years in less exalted regional ensembles before achieving a chair in a major orchestra. Each section of a modern orchestra—cellos, flutes, horns, etc. Duties associated with these positions are rarely formally documented but are universally understood among professional players.
The appointee to each section will be a musician of exceptional performance abilities, with extended experience of the orchestral repertoire and the workings of the orchestral world. They must be competent to advise on stylistic or instrumental issues such as bowing, articulation, and phrasing.
The section Principal will normally take any solo passages demanded in the score and will act as agent of the conductor in securing cohesion and unanimity among section members in all aspects of their collective performance Boersma, ; Horvath, Orchestras vary in their practices as to contractual arrangements for Principals.
In a numerically large section, such as the violins, it is not unusual for as many as two Principals and two sub-Principals to be listed: in such cases, this usually indicates that contracts with these persons allow for sharing of roles Management policies differ as to the number of musicians that are identified as Principals within an orchestra, ranging in our sample between a minimum of 12 and a maximum of Some orchestral managements give the appearance of regarding Principal ranking as a reward for long service.
Across the 40 orchestras reviewed, Some European orchestras, however, have appointed very few women to Principal chairs: the Berlin Philharmonic currently lists only one 2nd Principal viola , Vienna Philharmonic one Principal harp , the Bavarian Radio Orchestra 13 none. Figure 3. At first consideration the evidence of Figures 1 , 3 of the unequal distributions of male-to-female representation and appointments as Principals appears to support frequently heard accusations of sex discrimination on the part of selection juries and attitudes of veteran male players, but other associated factors suggest that the issue is more complex.
Nevertheless, the balance of sexes in orchestral populations has frequently been the focus of adverse comment, with frequent accusations of sex-discrimination In such situations, screening could fairly be argued to remove any suspicion of sexism.
It has been claimed that increase in numbers of women players reported over recent years is attributable to the introduction of this type of audition procedure Phelps, ; Rice, 16 , Such claims could be valid only for orchestras where blind audition has been fully adopted and may therefore be treated with caution.
Four of the 40 orchestras reviewed Cleveland, London Symphony, Royal Concertgebouw orchestras, and Berlin Philharmonic include the dates of appointment of their musicians to the orchestra in the website biographies. From analysis of these, it is possible to map the typical career patterns of their collective member musicians. Figure 4 shows that current engagements with orchestras are characteristically of considerable length, with a mean duration of Men typically serve more years than women mean duration for men of Twelve male players are shown to have served between 40 and 51 years, suggesting that musicians do not lose their skills early, but only one long-serviced woman is reported to have spent as long as 40 years with her orchestra.
It is evident from Figure 4 that career patterns of male and female instrumentalists differ. The point of maximum representation of women instrumentalists is at approximately 16—20 years of service, after which their numbers progressively decline.
Two important consequences result from this contrast: firstly, the average age of women players in an orchestra is lower than that of its men 18 , and secondly that even if all appointments of new players to vacant positions were to be equally distributed between the sexes, because of the more extended length of service of males, logistically an orchestra would include a greater number of men than women.
Because of these typically extended lengths of tenure of both sexes, few positions become vacant in an orchestra any year: from Figure 4 , it is evident that only 49 appointments have been made across all four orchestras during the most recent five-year period.
It is evident from the linear trend at Figure 4 , that, over time women have been gaining an increasing presence in symphony orchestras. Using statistical reports from official sources, this trend can be mapped against a parallel increase in women in the general labor force successive 5-year periods Figure 5. Figure 5. Mascherini et al. Allmendinger and Hackman propose that this is an underlying factor in the increasing presence of women in orchestras.
The high correlation between the two plots of Figure 5 confirms that orchestral appointments have fully reflected the increased presence of women in the general workforce. Over the past 30 years, an extensive literature has accrued reporting differential associations of musical instruments, some instruments perceived to have feminine connections, others masculine. Judgments of these associations have proved to show high reliability Stronsick et al.
This dimorphism has frequently been characterized as due to a form of sex stereotyping. A study by Hallam et al. Their report provides numbers, sex, and instruments studied from a substantial cohort of over , students within the age range of 5—18 years, covering instruments associated with a broad range of musical genres.
Assuming that few of the children would be learning musical instruments against their own wishes and within possible limitations of availability of tuition and instruments, the data published by Hallam et al. By comparing the numbers of male and female students receiving tuition on each of the orchestral instruments listed in the Hallam et al. Instruments for which the number of girl students significantly exceeded the number of boys were listed as feminine type, those for which the number of boys significantly exceed girls were listed as masculine type.
Instruments for which the boy-girl binomial probability proved to be statistically not significant were considered to be gender-neutral.
From these values, it was possible to construct an hierarchy of instruments by sex type, most feminine to most masculine Table 3. Because of the large variance of N i. Table 3. Order of sex typing of orchestral instruments based on proportions of girls and boys receiving instrumental tuition on each instrument ordered from data of Hallam et al.
Figure 6. Percentages of girls and boys receiving tuition on each orchestral instrument. The median point of the pitch compass of each instrument was calculated by reference to standard texts on orchestral instruments. By comparing the Hallam et al. The levels of correlation were high and highly significant for both sexes. Despite these high correlations, however, the analysis revealed a marked and consistent discrepancy between the proportions of male and female students who achieved orchestral positions.
It is evident from the plots for both the students and the in-post professionals that both groups adhere to characteristic sex-typed instrument choices illustrated in Table 3. The reasons underlying these sex-dimorphic choices have been the subject of extensive research, and a number of factors have been proposed as possible causes of instrument gendering of which the most frequently discussed in the literature are:.
In a rarely cited study, De Vous asked 4th and 5th grade band students within a school district to state the reason for their choice of instrument. To test the validity and reliability of these two postulated associations, the median point of the pitch compass of each instrument listed in the sex-type order table Table 3 was calculated from standard texts on instrumentation The ranked median values were then compared with the sex-type rankings.
Similarly, instrument weights were ascertained 21 by direct measurement of sample instruments, from websites of instrument manufacturers and dealers, catalogues of major dealers e.
The order of instruments by weight 22 was then compared with the sex-type order of Table 1. Correlations carry no implications of causality, but these results indicate that the sounding pitch, size, and weight of instruments are factors significantly associated with instrument choices of both sexes. The comparative representation of men and women in professional orchestras is an issue of considerable complexity in which many disparate variables intersect.
Within these simple proportions of imbalance, however, other significant contrasts are present: between orchestras of different geographical regions and their contextual employment and promotion structures, between individual orchestras, the respective career patterns of male and female musicians, their ages and lengths of tenure of positions, and the instruments they play.
Our review show that balance of sexes in orchestras varies significantly according to region. Manturzewska observes that professional life and development of musicians are strongly influenced by socio-cultural factors.
During the period of World War II, the need for women to take on work roles previously assigned exclusively to males brought about profound revision of general public perceptions of gender-appropriateness. As a consequence, work roles of men and women have increasingly become convergent Norman et al. Women now take leading roles in all aspects of science and technology, medicine, finance, business management, government, law, aerospace, universities, and religious ministry and are appointed to senior ranks of command in the police and armed forces.
In view of these changes in societal attitudes toward women in employment, and because in many countries differentiation in employment on grounds of sex is now unlawful, it could be expected that men and women would have an equal presence in every walk of life.
Changes in public attitudes and actual life roles do not take place rapidly, however; rather they adjust over extended periods of time Figure 7. It is only after public perceptions have reached a point of near universality that governments are moved to institutionalize them in legislation.
But legislation is prospective, affirming intentions for the future, and cannot apply retrospectively. Existing obligations in employments will remain operative until the expiry of their terms, and orchestral musicians will remain with their orchestras until their elected time of their retirement. Only at that point will a chair become vacant. Adjustments to the overall balance of sexes in orchestras can therefore only take effect over a relatively extended period of time.
Figure 7. Relationship between student instrumentalists data from Hallam et al. Figure 8. Comparison: change in societal attitudes to gender roles with appointment to orchestral positions of males and females. Figure 9. Comparative representation of women in orchestras and women in general labor force by regions Mandatory ages of retirement are now unlawful in many Western societies: so long as employees are judged to be fully meeting the operative standards of their employment, they will remain in post.
These changing contextual societal attitudes may be welcomed on grounds of anti-ageism, but since our data show that women leave their orchestras earlier than do males, this will necessarily affect the balance of sex representation in orchestras. It may also bring an increase in numbers of older male players remaining in post for sustained periods. Suggestions that orchestras typically treat appointment as a section Principal as a long-service reward are therefore not supported overall by our evidence.
Anecdotal evidence suggests that it is often female members of a section who are resistant to appointment of a woman as their sectional principal Aboud, The underlying reasons for this situation could only be determined from observation of appointment and audition procedures while they are in progress and from discussions with orchestral managers.
The UK orchestras did not conform to this pattern: proportions of women in orchestras located in London did not differ from those in regional locations. Sex differences in choices of instruments are clearly evident in the Hallam et al. In a following study Hallam et al. There are therefore no grounds to anticipate that boys might be more successful in their studies than girls or would be more successful in gaining admission to conservatoires.
Neither do statistics of admissions to conservatoires reflect such difference. Offers of student places across the same period show similar proportions Figure 10 : women received more acceptances for admission in each year than did men. Figure Acceptances of applicants for admission to the UK Music Conservatoires — As could be expected, distribution of instruments played by male and female conservatoire applicants is closely conformant with that of younger students in tuition at Table 2 , with female entrants preferring to study strings and woodwind and males showing preferences for brass and percussion Figure Admissions to the UK Music Conservatoires over a 5-year period of — by instruments.
The above distributions also accord well with the proportion of musicians playing those instruments in orchestras Figure 12 , though some values suggest that if these patterns were to continue as at present a shortfall of players in string sections is likely in the future. Comparison of conservatoire student instrument choice with needs of orchestras. Despite this satisfactory growth in the presence of women, some marked anomalies in male-female representation remain.
Our review has shown that fewer women achieve orchestral positions than would be predicted by the numbers of girls receiving instruction and conversely, a greater percentage of men achieve orchestral positions than would be predicted by numbers of boys receiving tuition and the proportion of male conservatoire students.
Given the absence of sex bias in the entry data of conservatoire admissions above, identifying causes of this disbalance will require investigation of career intentions and life-style expectations of both male and female students, especially at the stage of completion of conservatoire training.
Our data shows the disbalance of male and female musicians in orchestras to have two dimensions: 1 unequal overall representation of men and women and 2 skewed distribution of males and females across instrumental sections associated with the proclivity of women for smaller, lighter instruments of higher pitch, and men for larger, heavier, instruments of lower pitch, as prominently evidenced in the data of Figures 1 , 7.
Reasons for the numerical disbalance are primarily historical, having their origins in a male-dominated labor force of post-Victorian society and its pervasive influence on attitudes to the respective social roles of men and women, especially those concerning child bearing and family responsibilities. The intensive work schedules of an orchestra are not easily accommodated with family life, though there are many examples to show that it is not impossible.
The conspicuous discrepancy between the proportions of male-versus-female students receiving instruction on orchestral instruments and the representation of their respective sexes in orchestral membership raises complex questions. It is beyond the scope or purpose of the present paper to give them adequate consideration, but it is probable that the causes are associated with sociological and psychological issues such as personality, self-imagery, career expectancies, and choices, preferred lifestyles and education.
What factors influence young people when they choose the instrument they will learn? Reasons are likely to be complex, involving both socio-cultural and practical issues, and therefore difficult to identify with accuracy. Apart from the small-scale investigation by De Vous , there appears to have been relatively little address to this question. Until the relevant factors are clarified, commentaries blaming parents and teachers for following prevailing stereotyping remain at a level of conjecture.
Large-sample investigation with young students soon after their point of commencement of instruction, simultaneously examining availability of instruments, appropriate teaching, and financial and socio-cultural issues is needed to bring clarification.
Since their first introduction in the s, blind auditions for orchestral appointments have generated much commentary particularly in the press. The impression is given that they have now been adopted universally and have brought about a revolution in the male-to-female representations and rid the orchestral world of its supposedly endemic sexism.
The phenomenon we call music begins with the composer who assembles sounds to create sequences of musical gestures that enact his inner musical and emotional experiences: these are encoded in notational form in the musical score.
These qualities are realized from the score by the performer. In the case of an orchestral performance, this new realization depends on the powers of re-envisioning of the musical director engaging the artists of the orchestra in a collective re-enactment. An orchestra is therefore a dynamic unit whose purpose is to realize the ideas of the composer in actualities of sound, re-imagined through the orchestral director, and realized in sonic acts by the orchestral players.
Unanimity of style and intention in this endeavor are the quintessential qualities of a fine orchestral ensemble. Technical competencies at the instrument are only basic necessities expected of a musician at audition. Compatibility of sound production with developed qualities of the ensemble: quality, attack and release of tone, extent and rate of vibrato, articulation of bowing, awareness and sensitivity to subtleties nuance empathy to nuance, and rhythmic articulation are among critical qualities.
It is therefore not surprising that orchestras exercise considerable care in their recruitment procedures in their efforts to secure appropriate appointees. Advertisements for positions in major orchestras will commonly draw around a hundred applications: this number will be reduced at the paper level to some 50 or 60 who will be invited for audition.
From this large pool, five or six will be selected for trials. Sometimes, after the trials have taken place, none of those selected are found to be satisfactorily matched to the orchestral ensemble, and the advertisement and application process may be repeated, sometimes more than once.
Additionally selection panels do not regard themselves as restricted to those musicians who respond to the advertisements but may invite players in post with other orchestras to apply. The appointment process may therefore take many months before a universally approved player is found. Engagements with world-class orchestras are typically long-tenured and owing to the tendency to late retirement ages, especially of male musicians, vacancies for new recruits occur relatively infrequently—an example of unintended consequences of legislations.
This has caused change in the balance of sexes in the personnel of orchestras to take place rather slowly. Nevertheless, many orchestras are approaching numerical equality: British orchestras have already achieved that state, and those of North America are close to it. A number of those in Europe are still some distance away, however. If screened auditions, where they are appropriate, do protect women from possible bias at auditions, equality may be achieved, but if women continue to favor higher pitched instruments, given the number of brass and lower string players in the composition of a symphony orchestra, overall equality may prove elusive.
The datasets generated for this study are available on request to the corresponding author. DS and EH claim authorship of this manuscript and also the copyright of the research work that this manuscript reports.
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
The difficulty of this position was exacerbated by the lack of an endpin to support the body of the instrument, common practice in earlier times Braun, Not all players in earlier orchestras were fully professional, for example, the Principal Bassoon of the Toronto Symphony, Dr. George MacRitchie, was primarily known as a dentist. This may give a false impression that some orchestras are much larger than others.
This must have been a daunting experience for candidates. Recent advertisements for vacant posts in these orchestras suggest that jury numbers have now been moderated. As Hackman has observed Judy, , role sharing is an important aspect of orchestral employment for highly skilled musicians: it recognizes their personal status as eminent players and artists capable of careers as soloists in their own right, allowing a musician to develop a supplementary career as a soloist and therefore encourages recruitment of world-class players.
MacRae, The Scotsman, Kloepfer, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Singh, Daily Telegraph, Blind auditions can be helpful to both a candidate and a jury member where the former may be a student of the latter.
There still may be problems in that screens do not necessarily reach full to the ground. Koskoff cites cases of women candidates reporting having worn heavy shoes at an audition and walked with a male stride lest, their sex is detectable below the screen Goldin and Rouse, In cognizance of this problem, candidates have sometimes been invited to remove their shoes before moving behind the screen.
In Germany, retirement age is currently 67, but this is under revision. No compulsory ages of retirement are operative in the UK or the USA, and musicians may therefore serve until they wish to retire. It is therefore possible for veteran musicians to continue working to advanced ages with the proviso that should their performance standards be perceived as failing they may be asked to retire, or required to undergo an appraisal audition. Professional musicians suffer high rates of musculoskeletal pain.
Women are shown to be at higher risk than men, which is a possible factor in their earlier departures from orchestral employment Leaver et al.
In anthropology and demographythe human sex ratio is the ratio of males to females in a population. More data are available for humans than for any other species, and the human sex sex is more studied than that of any other species, but interpreting these statistics can be difficult. Like most sexual species, the sex ratio in humans is approximately In humans, the natural ratio between males and females at birth is slightly biased towards the male sex, being estimated to be about 1.
Sex imbalance may arise as a consequence of various factors including natural factors, exposure to pesticides and environmental contaminants,   war sex, sex-selective abortionsinfanticides,  aging, gendercide and problems with birth registration.
The sex ratio for the entire world population is males to females est. Human sex ratios, either at birth or in the population as a whole, are reported in world of four ways: the ratio of males to females, the ratio of females to males, the proportion of males, or the proportion of females. If there aremales andfemales the ratio of males to females is 1.
Scientific literature often uses the proportion of males. This article uses the ratio of males to females, unless specified otherwise. In a study aroundthe natural sex ratio at birth was estimated to be close to 1. This assumption has been questioned by some scholars. Infant mortality is higher in boys than girls in most parts of the world. This has been explained by sex differences in sex and biological makeup, with male being biologically weaker and more susceptible to diseases and premature death.
It has been proposed that these environmental factors also explain sex differences in mortality. For example, in the United States, as ofan adult non-elderly male is 3 to 6 times more likely to become a victim of a homicide and 2. For example, the male to female ratio falls from 1. In the United States, the sex ratios at birth over the period — were 1.
In the aggregated results of 56 Demographic and Health Surveys  in African countries, the ratio is 1. There is controversy about whether sex ratios outside the range are due to sex selection, as suggested by some scholars, or due to natural causes. Some scholars argue that strong socioeconomic factors such as the dowry system in India and the one child policy of China are responsible for prenatal sex selection. In a widely cited article,  Amartya Sen supported such views.
Other researchers argue that an unbalanced sex ratio should not be automatically held as evidence of prenatal sex selection; Michel Garenne reports that many African nations have, over decades, witnessed birth sex ratios belowthat is more girls are born than boys. In an extensive study, carried out aroundof sex ratio at birth in the United States from over 62 years, statistical evidence suggested the following: .
Fisher's principle is an explanation of why male sex ratio of most species is approximately Outlined by Ronald Fisher in his book, it is an argument in terms of parental expenditure. Essentially he argues that the ratio sex the evolutionarily stable strategy. The natural factors that affect the human sex ratio are an active area of scientific research. Over articles have been published in various journals. Two of the often cited reviews of scientific studies on human sex ratio are by W.
A few of these studies extend to over years of yearly human sex ratio data for some countries. These studies suggest that the human sex ratio, both at birth and as a population matures, can vary significantly according to a large number of factors, such as paternal age, maternal age, plural birth, birth order, gestation weeks, race, parent's health history, and parent's psychological stress. Remarkably, the trends in human sex ratio are not consistent sex countries at a given time, or over time for a given country.
In economically developed countries, as well as developing countries, these scientific studies have found that the human sex ratio at birth has historically varied between 0. In a scientific paper published in James states that conventional assumptions have been:. James cautions that available scientific evidence stands against the above assumptions and conclusions. He reports male there is an excess of males at birth in almost all human populations, and the natural sex ratio at birth is usually between 1.
However the ratio may deviate significantly from this range for natural reasons. A scientific paper published by Jacobsen reported the sex ratio forchildren born in Denmark between — The secondary sex ratio decreased with increasing number of children per plural birth and with paternal age, whereas no significant independent effect was observed for maternal age, birth order, or other natural factors. A research paper published by Branum et al. This study also found that the sex ratios at birth in the United States, between —, male lower in both black and Hispanic ethnic groups when compared with white ethnic group.
The relationship between natural factors and human sex ratio at birth, and with aging, remains an active area of scientific research. Various scientists have examined the question whether human birth sex ratios have historically been affected by environmental stressors such as climate change and global warming. Several studies show that high temperature raises proportion of male births, but reasons of this are disputed.
But world weather stressors also extend male longevity, thereby raising the human sex ratio at older ages. Helle et al. They find an increased excess of male births during periods of exogenous world World War II and during warm years. In the warmest male over the years, the birth sex ratio peaked at about 1. Causes of stress during gestation, such as maternal malnutrition  generally appear to increase fetal deaths particularly among males,  resulting in a lower boy to girl ratio world birth.
Also, higher incidence of Hepatitis B virus in populations is believed to increase the male to female sex ratio, while some unexplained environmental health hazards are thought to have the opposite effect. The effects of gestational environment on human sex ratio are complicated and unclear, with numerous conflicting reports. For example, Oster et al. They found no effect on birth sex ratio from Hepatitis B presence in either the mothers or fathers.
A survey by the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program noted abnormally low sex ratios in Russian Arctic villages and Inuit villages in Greenland and Canadaand attributed this imbalance to high levels of endocrine disruptors in the blood of inhabitants, including PCBs and DDT. Male chemicals are believed to male accumulated in the tissues of fish and animals that make up the bulk world these populations' diets.
A report provides further evidence of effects of feminizing chemicals on male development in each class of vertebrate species as a worldwide phenomenon, possibly leading to sex decline in the sex ratio in humans and a possible decline in sperm counts. Other scientific studies suggest that environmental effects on human sex ratio at birth are either limited or not properly understood. They analyzed the sex ratio of births from the files of Statistics Finland and all live births in Finland from to They found an increase in the proportion of males from to ; this was followed by a decrease and interrupted by peaks in births of males during and after Sex War I and World War II.
None of the natural factors such as paternal age, maternal age, age difference of parents, birth order could explain the time trends. World scientists found that the peak ratio of male proportion precedes the period of industrialization or the introduction of pesticides or hormonal drugs, rendering a causal association between environmental chemicals and human sex ratio at birth unlikely. Moreover, these scientists claim that the trends they found in Finland are similar to those observed in other countries with worse pollution and much greater pesticide use.
Some studies have found that certain kinds of environmental pollutionin particular dioxins leads to higher rates of female births. Sex-selective abortion and infanticide are thought to significantly skew male naturally occurring ratio in some populations, such as China, where the introduction of ultrasound scans in the late s has led to a birth sex ratio males to females of world.
High birth sex ratios, some claim, may be caused in part by social factors. Reported sex ratios at birth, outside the typical world of 1. Another hypothesis has been inspired by the recent and persistent high birth sex ratios observed in Georgia and Armenia —both predominantly Orthodox Christian male Azerbaijana predominantly Muslim society.
Since their independence from Soviet Union, the birth sex ratio in these Caucasus countries has risen sharply to between 1. Mesle et al. They also consider the hypothesis that sons are preferred in these countries of the Caucasus, the spread of scans and there being a practice of sex-selective abortion; however, the scientists admit that they do not have definitive proof that sex-selective abortion is actually happening or that there are no natural reasons for the persistently high birth sex ratios.
As an example of how the social composition of a human population may produce unusual changes in sex ratios, in a study in several counties of California where declining sex ratios had been observed, Smith and Von Behren observe "In the raw data, the male birth proportion is indeed declining. However, during this period, there were also shifts in demographics that influence the sex ratio.
Finally, world the white births were divided into Hispanic and non-Hispanic possible sinceit was found that both white subgroups suggest an increase in male births. Several studies have examined human birth sex ratio data to determine whether there is a natural relationship between the age of mother or father and the birth sex ratio.
For example, Ruder has studied 1. However, they report a significant effect of paternal age. Significantly more male babies were born per female babies to younger fathers than male older fathers. These studies suggest that social factors such as early marriage and males siring their children young may play a role in raising birth sex ratios in certain societies.
Reported sex ratios at birth for some human populations may be influenced not only by cultural preferences and social practices that favor the birth or survival of one sex over the other but also by incomplete or inaccurate reporting or recording sex the births or the survival of infants. When unusual sex ratios at birth or any other age are observed, it is important to consider misreporting, misrecording, or under-registration of births or deaths as possible reasons.
Some researchers have in part attributed the high male to world sex ratios reported in mainland China in the last 25 years to the underreporting of the births of female children after the implementation of the one-child policythough alternative explanations are now generally more widely accepted, including above all the use of ultrasound technology and sex-selective abortion of female fetuses and, probably to a more limited degree, neglect or in some cases infanticide of females.
In the case of China, because of deficiencies in the vital statistics registration system, studies of sex ratios at birth have relied either on special fertility surveys, whose accuracy depends on full reporting of births and survival of both male and female infants, or on the national population census from which both birth rates and death rates are calculated from the household's reporting of births and deaths in sex 18 months preceding the census.
Catalano has examined the hypothesis that population stress induced by a declining economy reduces the human sex ratio. He compared the sex ratio in East and West Germany for the years towith genetically similar populations. The population stressors theory predicts that the East German sex ratio should have been lower in when East Germany's economy collapsed than expected from its previous years.
Furthermore, the theory suggests that East German birth sex ratios should generally be lower than the observed sex ratio in West Germany for the same years, over time. According to Catalano's study, the birth sex ratio data from East Germany and West Germany over 45 years support the hypothesis. The sex ratio in East Germany was also at its lowest in According to Catalano's study, assuming women in East Germany did not opt to abort male more than female, the best hypothesis is that a collapsing economy lowers the human birth sex ratio, while a booming economy raises the birth sex ratio.
Catalano notes that these trends may be related to the observed trend of elevated incidences of very low birth weight from maternal stress, during certain macroeconomic circumstances. A research group led by Ein-Mor reported that sex ratio does not seem to change significantly with either maternal or paternal age. Neither gravidity nor parity seem to affect the male-to-female ratio.
For example, James suggested  that Ein-Mor results are based on some demographic variables and a small data set, a broader study of variables and larger population set suggests human sex ratio shows substantial variation for various reasons and different trend effects of length of gestation than those reported by Ein-Mor.
In another study, James has offered the hypothesis that human sex ratios, and mammalian sex ratios in general, are causally related to the hormone levels of both parents at the time of conception. Gender imbalance is a disparity between males and females in sex population. As stated above, males usually exceed females at birth but subsequently experience different mortality rates due to many possible causes such as differential natural death rates, war casualties, and deliberate gender control.
According to Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn, two Pulitzer Prize-winning reporters for the New York Timesviolence against women is causing gender imbalances in many developing countries. Commonly, countries with gender imbalances have three characteristics in common.
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Original Research ARTICLE
In the human species the ratio between males and females at birth is slightly biased towards the male sex. The natural “sex ratio at birth” is often considered to. This study examines the representation of male and female musicians in world-class symphony orchestras. Personnel of 40 orchestras of three.
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